REVIEW of WOMEN'S HUMAN RIGHTS: Seeking Gender Justice in a Globalizing Age
Reviewed by Doris Buss in
Canadian Journal of Women and the Law
23.2 (2011): 705-9
In 1995, the Western media was abuzz with reports about the United Nations World
Conference on Women being held in Beijing, China. Hilary Clinton, then wearing
the title of First Lady of the United States, attended and gave a rousing, and
controversial, speech in which she chastised the Chinese government for its
human rights violations and then famously called for the recognition of women’s
rights as human rights. Perhaps that recognition—“women’s rights as human
rights”—does not strike the same resonant chord today as “yes we can,” but, at
the time, Clinton’s speech was something of a barn-burner.
The media headlines from 1995, particularly in the Western press, reflected a
mixed—to put it politely—reaction to the Beijing conference. For some, Beijing
heralded a (possibly optimistic) change in gender dynamics and social relations:
“ ‘Old Boys’ Network’ Be Warned: Women Are on the Move,” reported the Charleston
Gazette (West Virginia),[1] “Beijing: The Surge of a Tidal Wave,” ran a headline
in The Age (Melbourne).[2] For many other newspapers, Beijing represented the thin
edge of a giant, dangerous, feminist wedge: “A Five-Cornered Battle of the Sexes
Is Nigh,” warned the Sydney Morning Herald’s headline.[3] The US press, meanwhile,
was preoccupied with Hilary Clinton’s China visit: was she standing up for
American values or shepherding “a load of lesbians” to China?[4]
The hype around the Beijing Conference on Women confirmed a now routine pattern:
talk of “women’s rights” leads to excitable predictions. Advance women’s rights
and two results are possible: either the world will warp drive into an
egalitarian utopia (and the possibilities here are inspiringly optimistic: the
rise of a female economic power house; the end of child poverty; the breaking of
taboos, silences, and chains of various forms; a rewriting of gender relations
as we know them; and so on) or the world will be rendered asunder (“the family”
will be destroyed; men will be impoverished; childhood will end; licentiousness
will abound; religion (Christianity) will be treated as the new
terrorism; and, and, and . . .).
It would appear that the stakes in discussions on women’s rights are high, and
particularly so when these discussions take place in international contexts.
Despite this (or maybe because of it), international arenas at which law and
policy are formulated are generally seen as promising sites for feminist
activism. And the period of the 1990s—the Beijing conference and its impacts on
an array of legal and policy issues—is a key source for that optimism. During
the 1990s, feminist activists and scholars were able to generate an amazing list
of gains in international legal and institutional commitments to ending women’s
inequality. These gains included the formal recognition that “women’s rights are
human rights,” with a corresponding series of changes strengthening
international protection of women rights such as the optional protocol to the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
(to allow individual complaints), the appointment of a special rapporteur to
investigate violence against women, and the “mainstreaming” of gender analysis
in other human rights bodies.[5] Feminist lobbying efforts at other UN world
conferences, such as the 1993 Vienna Conference on Human Rights, helped to build
momentum to strengthen the international prosecution of rape, first by the
Rwanda and Yugoslav tribunals and then by the International Criminal Court. And
the steps taken by the United Nations Security Council to mainstream gender into
its security and post-conflict work was a direct result of the Beijing Platform
for Action. Clearly, this list of feminist-inspired “gains” could go on. The
lobbying efforts of the 1990s, many of which continue into this new century, are
generating a myriad of results, many of which are only just becoming visible.
The newly established UN agency for women—UN Women—is perhaps the most recently
visible culmination of years of lobbying by feminists and their allies.
In Women’s Human Rights, Niamh Reilly provides an engaging overview of some of
that 1990s feminist advocacy and traces its enduring significance for multiple
areas of women’s international human rights.[6] It is, I confess, a book I wish I
had written. It is clear, authoritative, and covers off the main topics on
women’s international human rights in a way that would engage both an upper-year
student new to the area and a seasoned academic wishing to deepen her own
understanding.
The book has six, topically specific chapters, and a substantive introduction
that sets out Reilly’s “cosmopolitan feminism” framework. Reilly was a Ph.D.
student at Rutgers University in the 1990s and worked with the Center for
Women’s Global Leadership, headed by Charlotte Bunch, which was instrumental in
launching the Global Campaign for Women’s Rights. In this
capacity, Reilly was present at some of the key events in the 1990s, even
working, according to her acknowledgments, as the co-ordinator of two tribunals
on women’s rights—the first at the Vienna Conference on Human Rights and the
second at Beijing (the first of these is the subject of a National Film Board
documentary that is a must see for anyone interested in feminist international
activism on violence against women).[7] Her insiders’ perspective gives her
discussions of feminist activism at the United Nations (in chapters 3 and 4) a
depth and context not usually found in other scholarly treatments of these
topics. And she combines her first-hand experience with a solid academic
foundation that places each subject in its broader context.
The first two chapters provide theoretically informed discussions that frame the
rest of the book. Chapter 2, for example, begins with a thumb-nail sketch of
“Kantian ethics and justice,” followed by a historical introduction to the
development of international human rights instruments, and then an overview of
key debates raised by feminists and some “Third World” critiques of mainstream
human rights. I found the discussion here of Western hegemony and cultural
relativism excellent, and it would make a useful addition to upper-year course
materials on international human rights (though the discussion is, given the
breadth of the book, short).
Chapter 3 begins the more substantive focus of the book and provides a succinct
history of post-1945 advocacy and institutional developments by and for women at
the United Nations. Reilly makes the welcome argument that the CEDAW, often
dismissed as a limited, liberal feminist tool, has transformative potential,
some of which is only just now evident. This chapter provides a reasonably
detailed examination (given the length of the book, which weighs in at a trim
203 pages) of the outcomes and developments realized at the first UN conference
on women in Mexico City (1975) and the UN Decade for Women (1976–85)—a period of
feminist activism often overlooked in the literature. This discussion then sets
up chapter 4, which is an in-depth discussion of feminist activism in the 1990s
at UN-hosted events, such as the 1993 Vienna Conference (at which the first
global tribunal on violations of women’s human rights was held).
My favorite chapter, though, is Chapter 6: Development, Globalization and
Women’s Human Rights. In this all-too-brief twenty-three pages, Reilly draws
together a coherent discussion of the “chasm” between the two paths of
inter-national action on women: development and human rights. Reilly’s framing
of this chapter in terms of a chasm is interesting, topical, and important. Her
wide-ranging discussion—encompassing a brief history of “women and
development”—the asymmetric relationship between economic, social, and cultural
rights on the one hand and the more powerful “civil and political” rights on the
other—and the Millennium Development Goals is clear and cogent, despite the extensive array of topics covered. This is an excellent and succinct
treatment and would be a useful reading for an upper-year or graduate-level
course on international human rights law and/or women’s rights.
There are occasional weaknesses in this book. Two of the chapters dealing with
more recent developments and issues linked to women’s rights—conflict and
post-conflict violence and religious “fundamentalism”—do not demonstrate the
same coherence in treatment as the rest of the book. Chapter 5 on “Conflict and
Post-Conflict Transformation,” for example, touches on the different topics of
war crimes prosecutions, peace negotiations, and Security Council Resolution
1325 on women, peace and security.[8] The breadth of treatment is commendable, but
there is little discussion of what links these developments together for women
and, more pressingly, how the institutional developments and resource allocation
among these different efforts poses problems for feminist activism. Working
within a cosmopolitan feminist framework, Reilly can see the potential for
transformative politics in the divergent developments of war crimes prosecutions
and post-conflict peace and security initiatives. However, there is no
discussion here of the limits to that transformative potential as it is
currently unfolding “on the ground.” War crimes prosecutions, for example, have
been important but arguably limited for women. They are very expensive and while
popular with Western governments, often lack a meaningful commitment to economic
and political redress for women post-conflict. Similarly, the final substantive
chapter—“Fundamentalisms and Women’s Human Rights”—seems to diverge from the
focus of the rest of the book. Once again, the author is ambitious in her
reach—looking at the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in a few select states
(Nigeria and Malaysia), the “head-scarf” debate generically (presumably—though
this is not always clear—in Western states), and, finally, the rise of some
conservative religious movements internationally. These topics are perhaps too
disparate to be grouped together in one chapter, and the complexities of these
issues warrant more attention and depth than is possible in a single chapter.
There is far too little space in this discussion for the very sort of
“bottom-up” politics that Reilly identifies as central to her cosmopolitan
feminism. Religiously observant women, for example, have no voice in this
chapter, and the complexities and nuances of debates in locations as different
as Nigeria and Malaysia are simply not amenable to generalized conclusions.
While the limits of these two chapters speak to the difficulty of writing short
chapters on still-emerging issues on women’s rights, they also may speak to the
limits of a cosmopolitan feminism. While Reilly’s cosmopolitan feminism
recognizes the limits of international law as a “progressive narrative,” a
number of questions remain. How transformative are the criminalization and
legalization of international responses to conflict? What are the limits of the
Security Council and the International Criminal Court as sites for
feminist-inspired legal engagement? While Reilly speaks
authoritatively of the feminist activists who mobilized in the 1990s, there is
little sense of who is behind some of the current feminist international
projects, for example, at the International Criminal Court and the UN Security
Council.
Finally, does cosmopolitanism offer a framework for understanding and responding
to the various ways in which Islamic practice and dress are perceived as,
simultaneously, women’s rights and security issues? The growth of religious
“fundamentalism” (not a term I find accurate enough for this discussion)
globally, together with Western preoccupations with Islamic dress engage complex
questions about identity formation, political economy, and the operation of
Islamophobia in multicultural societies. Cosmopolitanism, and the claims to a
post-racial and post-ethnic world, are, it would seem to me, part of the puzzle
to be explained here rather than (or in addition to?) one of the tools of
analysis.
As the media coverage of the 1995 Beijing conference reminds us, the stakes in
advancing women’s rights are high. Understanding how women’s rights claims have
been advanced, contested, and represented in the recent past is crucial to
deciphering the contemporary climate in which feminist activism takes place.
Women’s Human Rights is an authoritative and expert discussion of the 1990s
campaigns to advance international legal and political protection of women’s
rights, and the multiple ways in which these campaigns shape current
institutional developments on women’s rights. However, Reilly’s book also
raises, for me at least, questions about current trends and priorities in
feminist international legal activism. Now might be the time for a hard
discussion about how much further cosmopolitan legal feminism can take the cause
of women’s international human rights.
Doris Buss is Associate Professor of Law at Carleton University. She
teaches and researches in the areas of women’s rights, international law, and
feminist theory. She is the author (with Didi Herman) of Globalizing Family
Values: The Global Politics of the Christian Right (Minnesota, 2003) and
editor (with Ambreena Manji) of International Law: Modern Feminist Approaches
(Hart, 2005). Her current work focuses on women and armed conflict, and she is
the editor (with Joanne Lebert, Blair Rutherford, and Donna Sharkey) of
Sexual Violence and Conflict in Africa (UNU Press, forthcoming 2012).
Footnotes
1. Edith M. Lederer, “ ‘Old Boys’ Network’ Be Warned: Women Are on the
Move,” Charleston Gazette (17 September 1995) 18A.
2. Pamela Bone, “Beijing: The Surge of a Tidal Wave,” The (Melbourne) Age (20
September 1995) 20.
3. Les Carlyon, “A Five-Cornered Battle of the Sexes Is Nigh,” Sydney Morning
Herald (14 September 1995) 17.
4. Concerned Women for America, “Feminism at the Helm of U.S. Foreign Policy”
(12 May 1997), cited in Didi Herman “Globalism’s ‘Siren Song’: The United
Nations and International Law in Christian Right Thought and Prophecy” (2001) 49
Sociological Review 56 at 71.
5. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women,
UN Doc. A/34/46 (1979).
6. Niamh Reilly, Women’s Human Rights: Seeking Gender Justice in a Globalizing
Age (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009).
7. Vienna Tribunal, DVD (Augusta Productions and National Film Board of Canada,
1994).
8. Security Council Resolution 1325, UN SCOR, 55th Sess., 4213th meeting, UN
Doc. S/Res/1325 (2000).
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